Skip to main content

Adani's influence to governments.

 When the Adani Group broke ground on a new con­tainer ter­minal at Colombo port late last year, it

was a win not just for the Indian con­glom­er­ate but for the gov­ern­ment in New Delhi that hoped to extend influ­ence in Sri Lanka. While Sri Lanka rejec­ted an earlier pro­posal amid protests about a key asset fall­ing into for­eign hands, Adani even­tu­ally secured the major­ity stake in a $700mn deal to build and oper­ate the ter­minal. The Adani group, whose owner Gautam Adani has long­stand­ing ties with Modi, has in recent years clinched deals from Myan­mar to Israel as part of an ambi­tious over­seas expan­sion. The Adani Group’s over­seas for­ays faced intense scru­tiny fol­low­ing alleg­a­tions last month by US short-seller Hinden­burg Research that it has for dec­ades used fraud and mar­ket manip­u­la­tion to fuel its rise.

« This is Adani Ji’s for­eign policy,» Gandhi said, using a com­mon hon­or­ific to refer to Adani. «India’s min­istry of external affairs has been turned into Adani Group’s inter­na­tional expan­sion depart­ment by Prime Min­is­ter Modi,» said Praveen Chakrav­arty, a senior Con­gress party office bearer. Amit Shah, the home affairs min­is­ter and a power­ful Modi ally, said last week that «there is noth­ing to hide or be afraid of » in Con­gress’s alleg­a­tions that the rul­ing Bhar­atiya Janata party has favoured Adani. While many of these over­seas deals are in the early stages and not a mean­ing­ful con­trib­utor to Adani profits, they have been a source of prestige for the group.

Adani said it had been «suc­cess­fully doing over­seas projects for over 15 years inde­pend­ent of polit­ical parties in power», cit­ing deals in Indone­sia in 2008 and Aus­tralia in 2010. Dur­ing the visit, he announced a $1bn loan from the gov­ern­ment-run State Bank of India to sup­port the devel­op­ment of Adani’s Car­mi­chael coal mine in Queens­land, which has attrac­ted fierce cri­ti­cism from envir­on­ment­al­ists. Dur­ing Modi’s visit to Bangladesh the fol­low­ing year to see his coun­ter­part, Sheikh Has­ina, Adani Power signed a deal under which the Bangladesh Power Devel­op­ment Board would receive power from a coal-based plant in India worth about $2bn. Last month, a con­sor­tium led by Adani’s port divi­sion paid $1.2bn for the Haifa port in Israel, another coun­try with which New Delhi has sought to deepen ties.

www.sba.tax

Comments

  1. While Adani has certainly done some shady things can we really blame them? If the politicians never do anything without their own pockets being filled, how can you get ahead? How can you grow a company this size without doing things like this?

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. I partially agree with you. We shouldn't defend them for doing wrong things. Never. And yes this is not entirely their fault but the politicians are as much to blame for not creating an environment where bribes are not needed.

      Delete
    2. I am not defending what Adani did or does and how they are trying to improve their image in foreign countries. I wish this wasn’t the case and we would live in a perfect world where the system would work well, without bribes or bad people and things. We aren’t and we probably never will. People in power get greedy so such things will endure unfortunately.

      Delete

Post a Comment

Cloud Bookkeeping

HS2 cost cuts new routes and add delays.

 Trans­port depart­ment offi­cials have begun work on «Project Sil­ver­light» sug­gest­ing the high­speed rail scheme might face four addi­tional years of delay. The planned High Speed 2 rail line faces fur­ther delays of up to four years and more cuts to the project under plans being drawn up by min­is­ters to rein in its bal­loon­ing costs. The extra delays to the coun­try’s biggest infra­struc­ture project would mean that it would not be com­pleted until as late as 2045 — 12 years after ori­gin­ally planned. «This is a func­tion of infla­tion; we are hav­ing to find huge sav­ings because the cost of everything the depart­ment is already doing will have become so much more expens­ive by then,» said one gov­ern­ment offi­cial. In Octo­ber, the FT repor­ted that the Treas­ury had asked HS2’s man­age­ment team to identify poten­tial cuts or «scope reduc­tions» to the high-speed line. Trans­port depart­ment offi­cials have sub­sequently begun work on Project Sil­ver­light aimed at fi...

Doubt on CS's collateral.

  Credit Suisse provided an emergency $140mn loan to Greensill Capital based partly on invoices to companies that deny ever doing the business stated on the documents. The Swiss bank provided the loan in October 2020, less than five months before the collapse of Greensill, a supply chain finance firm that counted former British prime minister David Cameron as a senior adviser. Invoices issued by metals magnate Sanjeev Gupta’s Liberty Commodities and sold to Greensill formed part of the collateral for the loan, according to documents seen by the Financial Times and people familiar with the transaction. Yet several of the parties named on the invoices have told the FT they did no business with Liberty. GFG has consistently denied any wrongdoing. Credit Suisse’s loan had a clause dictating that the collateral value had to be equal to or greater than the $140mn borrowed. The terms of the debt agreement only allowed invoices on Green-sill’s balance sheet to count towards this tally if t...

Small business will be excluded from fraud law.

  Min­is­ters are plan­ning to exclude small busi­nesses from anti-fraud legis­la­tion by nar­row­ing the scope of a crim­inal offence tar­get­ing com­pan­ies that fail to pre­vent eco­nomic crimes. MPs and anti-cor­rup­tion cam­paign­ers had hoped the gov­ern­ment would seek to amend the eco­nomic crime and cor­por­ate trans­par­ency bill to ensure the new offence covered all com­pan­ies. The plans to limit the scope of the amend­ments will also dis­ap­point those who had hoped the legis­la­tion would remove key hurdles to the pro­sec­u­tion of white-col­lar crime. A new «fail­ure to pre­vent» offence for fraud would bring it in line with exist­ing sim­ilar cor­por­ate offences for bribery and tax eva­sion. At present, pro­sec­utors need only prove that organ­isa­tions lacked «reas­on­able» or «adequate» con­trols to pur­sue the offence in bribery and tax eva­sion cases. «It would be much more sens­ible for the gov­ern­ment to provide strong guid­ance for SMEs on what these pro­ce...